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[激爆討論] 零八憲章 (多國文字) Charter 08

美轟北京:將劉曉波政治入罪,不符大國形象!!
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Charter 08 (English Version)

Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link

The following text of Charter 08, signed by hundreds of Chinese intellectuals and translated and introduced by Perry Link, Professor of Chinese Literature at the University of California, Riverside, will be published in the issue of The New York Review dated January 15, which goes on sale on January 2.
—The Editors

The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a

loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.

The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.

The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend “Charter 08” to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.

On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
—Perry Link
Frederick Douglass Book Prize Announcement


I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China’s first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.

By departing from these values, the Chinese government’s approach to “modernization” has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.

The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called “the greatest changes in thousands of years” for China. A “self-strengthening movement” followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China’s humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China’s system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China’s imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia’s first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.

The failure of both “self-strengthening” and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a “cultural illness” was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of “science and democracy.” Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.

Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The “new China” that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that “the people are sovereign” but in fact set up a system in which “the Party is all-powerful.” The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966–1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens’ rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.

During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of “Reform and Opening” gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of “rights” to a partial acknowledgment of them.

In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase “respect and protect human rights”; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a “national human rights action plan.” Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.

The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.

As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.


II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:

Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.

Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China’s recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime’s disregard for human rights.

Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.

Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of “fairness in all under heaven.” It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.

Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics:
(1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people.
(2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make.
(3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections.
(4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”

Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.
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III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an “enlightened overlord” or an “honest official” and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens’ rights, and social development:

A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China’s democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.
Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.
Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.
An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of “Reeducation through Labor” must be abolished.
Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on “one person, one vote.” The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.
Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be “approved,” should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.
Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.
Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to “the crime of incitement to subvert state power” must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.
Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens’ rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.
Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government—central, provincial, county or local—are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China’s own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.

Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens’ movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.

—translated from the Chinese by Perry Link
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劉曉波起草《零八憲章》

劉曉波因煽動顛覆國家政權罪被判刑11年,案中提出的證據之一,是由他起草並獲廣泛聯署的《零八憲章》。

《零八憲章》是為了紀念2008年12月10日《世界人權宣言》發表60周年,由劉曉波及著名憲政學者張祖樺起草的一份宣言,旨在促進中國民主化進程,改善人權狀况。目前仍在透過網上收集海內外的簽署(www.2008xianzhang.info),至今已有逾萬個簽名。

《零八憲章》全文約4000 字,指中國目前處在「威權主義政治生態」中,由此造成連綿不斷的人權災難和社會危機,要求重申「自由、人權、平等、共和、民主、憲政」的理念,提出修改憲法、分權制衡、公器公用、人權保障、城鄉平等、言論自由、聯邦共和等19項具體主張。

《零八憲章》首批簽署者共303名,包括內地眾多著名學者、律師和維權人士,如中國社科院哲學研究所原研究員徐友漁、北京大學法學院教授賀衛方、天安門母親丁子霖、曾任趙紫陽秘書的鮑彤,以及上海維權律師鄭恩寵等。

由於《零八憲章》涉及人權、民主、自由,內容敏感,內地政府一直採取打壓行動,除了起草人劉曉波被起訴,不少簽署人也曾被警方傳喚,要求他們退出,賀衛方等學者在工作上被打壓,內地各媒體網站亦對憲章消息全面封鎖,禁止報道。另外,北京大學法學院於今年1月更以黨委名義發郵件要求該院學生抵制《零八憲章》。
http://news.sina.com.hk/cgi-bin/nw/show.cgi/32/1/1/1372979/1.html
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15國政府挺劉曉波!!!《○八憲章》冤案審結,聖誕宣判
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野蠻大國再下毒手
劉曉波重判 11年

中國異見人士、參與起草《○八憲章》的劉曉波,昨日被北京法院裁定「煽動顛覆國家政權」罪成,重判入獄 11年、剝奪政治權利兩年。劉曉波妻子劉霞批評中國是「野蠻的國家、不講理的政府」,並稱丈夫已經決定提出上訴。美國等西方國家呼籲中國政府立即釋放劉曉波。法律學者則批評當局判刑過重,而且指控並無根據。

在昨日普天同慶的聖誕節,北京市第一中級人民法院對劉曉波案作一審宣判。劉曉波昨晨 7時許由囚車載到法院,直接進入法庭。據悉,法院開庭後,劉曉波站在法庭中央聽判,沒有機會發言,宣判過程僅歷時 10分鐘。
長達 12頁的判決書指出,現年 53歲的劉曉波不但在去年夥同他人起草《○八憲章》,呼籲取消一黨專政,更收集 300多人聯署,並在境外網站發佈;同時自 2005年起在多個網站,包括《觀察》和《英國廣播公司( BBC)中文網》發表六篇文章,誹謗煽動他人推翻中國政權和社會主義制度。法院認為,劉的行為已觸犯煽動顛覆國家政權罪,罪行重大、犯罪時間長,行為超出言論自由範疇,故需要嚴懲。
劉曉波妻子劉霞昨日獲公安批准到法院聽判,之後由公安用車接走。她表示,當法官讀出判決書時,她感到平靜,因為之前已預計丈夫會判更長的刑期。她與劉曉波短暫會面後,丈夫認為即使成功機會不大,也決定提出上訴。

「希望政府有一天自己覺悟」
對於丈夫被當局以言入罪,重判 11年,劉霞批評:「中國從來不是一個它自己所宣揚的一個發達的、民主的、文明的國家,完全是一個野蠻的國家,不講理的政府!」她表示:「劉曉波希望自己是最後一個以言入罪的人,亦希望政府能有一天自己覺悟,不要再以這種莫須有的罪名傷害公民。」
美國和歐盟各國昨對判決結果反應強烈。昨日依然無法進入法院旁聽的美國駐華使館一等秘書梅儒瑞( Gregory May)在法院外宣讀聲明,他強調美國政府關注劉曉波被判刑,認為劉和平表達訴求是人民基本權利,被判刑與保障和平表達自由的國際法規不符,促請北京當局即時將他釋放。
歐盟輪任主席國瑞典和德國總理默克爾分別發表聲明,對劉曉波被判重刑深表關注,擔心中國公民能否維持言論自由及接受公平審訊的權利;聯合國人權事務高級專員皮勒( Navi Pillay)認為,這次劉曉波被判重刑,擔心會嚴重限制內地言論自由的空間。
流亡海外的六四前學運領袖王丹強烈抗議北京當局對劉的判刑,王丹稱會「含淚為他祝福,希望他能夠保重身體,面對苦難」。他並批評中國在經濟崛起的掩護下,統治已一步一步邁向法西斯化,各國必須警惕。

評論員:判監一年都不公平
香港中文大學法律學院教授凌兵表示,當局指控劉曉波的「罪行」,主要是撰寫反對政府的文章,並沒有涉及暴力行動,也沒有涉及直接組織或者煽動反對政府行為,在這個情況下判入獄 11年,也是就已經相當接近 15年的最高刑期,是判得比較重。
中大亞太研究所中國法制研究員王友金則認為,北京法院指控證據不足,就算判監一年都不公平。他說:「 6篇文章、 350個字,哪一個字、哪一個段落是用武力煽動顛覆國家罪?就是沒有證據!」他又指記者、外交人員甚至家屬不准進入法庭旁聽,批評審訊不夠透明、公開。
時事評論員程翔指,北京當局以重判劉曉波扼殺民眾言論自由的做法,是一種嚴重倒退,違背對人民承諾,也與當局宣稱大國崛起相違背。不過他認為,過去類似判決都對敢言者產生寒蟬效應,但這次截然不同,早在劉未判刑前,已經有很多人站出來表示願與劉共同承擔這個罪。

劉曉波案事件簿
08年底
劉曉波起草並發起簽署《○八憲章》,該憲章原計劃同年 12月 10日世界人權日發佈

08/12/08
被北京市公安局從家中帶走,次日被以涉嫌「煽動顛覆國家政權罪」刑事拘留

23/06/09
劉被以涉嫌「煽動顛覆國家政權罪」正式逮捕

23/09/09
北京市公安局宣佈對劉曉波延長偵訊三個月

08/12/09
劉曉波被移交北京市檢察院審查起訴

11/12/09
當局正式起訴劉,罪名為涉嫌「煽動顛覆國家政權罪」,罪證包括撰寫《○八憲章》和另外六篇文章

23/12/09
北京市第一中級人民法院開庭審理劉曉波案,並拒絕外界旁聽,聖誕日宣判

25/12/09
北京市第一中級人民法院重判劉曉波 11年,剝奪政治權利 2年;劉曉波對妻子表示將上訴

資料來源:《蘋果》資料室

http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/template/apple/art_main.php?iss_id=20091226&sec_id=4104&subsec_id=11866&art_id=13563797
中國動亂事例大增凸顯社會不穩
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劉曉波被指涉造謠及誹謗文章重點
《中共的獨裁愛國主義》
•主要批評中共獨裁政權靠暴力維持政權,是「以黨代國」體制的謬論,盜用愛國主義之名而行禍國殃民之實
《難道中國人只配接受「黨主民主」》
•文章批評國家新聞辦發佈的《中國的民主政治建設》白皮書,藉「國情論」等否定人民主權
《通過改變社會來改變政權》
•提倡對當前的中共政權進行非暴力的維權運動和不服從運動
《多面的中共獨裁》
•批評中共政權已出現獨裁政治的末日景觀,即統治的合法性及其效力迅速流失
《獨裁崛起對世界民主化的負面效應》
•批評國家主席胡錦濤的外交政策,指其承諾中國信守和平崛起只是將國內「以人為本」與「和諧社會」的官方口號變成外交語言
《對黑窰童奴案的繼續追問》
•指摘當權者對山西黑窰奴工案敷衍了事,未有觸及制度性問題
資料來源:法國國際廣播電台

http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/template/apple/art_main.php?iss_id=20091226&sec_id=15335&subsec_id=15336&art_id=13563843


劉曉波判決書全文
劉曉波犯禁文章節錄
《零八憲章》全文
《零八憲章》
中共的獨裁愛國主義
難道中國人只配接受「黨主民主」
通過改變社會來改變政權
多面的中共獨裁
獨裁崛起對世界民主化的負面效應
對黑窯童奴案的繼續追問


重囚11年劉曉波決上訴
 . 王友金指判刑重﹕以言入罪 恐窒礙學術研究
 . 劉妻:他可以堅持下去,我也能

支聯會硬闖 中聯辦譴責
 . 強闖大樓或控非法集會
 . 本報記者遭箍頸
 . 中五生網上聲援劉曉波
 . 終點中聯辦 元旦遊行無意衝擊
 . 歐盟關注 德國遺憾
 . 程翔﹕天怒人怨

快審重判 當局圖殺一儆百
 . 警高度戒備 記者難越雷池
 . 網絡大清洗 「劉曉波」見光死
 . 師母丁子霖:劉曉波十分感性

[ 本帖最後由 Dr.Who 於 2009-12-30 03:18 編輯 ]
中國動亂事例大增凸顯社會不穩
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