06-14-2024, 04:02 PM
賴清德 Lai Ching-te speaks for Taiwan!
President Lai Ching-te highlights Taiwan-EU trade and democratic values
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BwoIZV9f8bU
Taiwan’s New President Lai Ching-te Is Standing His Ground
https://time.com/6987173/lai-ching-te-taiwan-interview/
By Charlie Campbell / Taipei
As political transitions go, the ascent of Lai Ching-te to the presidency of Taiwan had pretty much everything. On May 15, the outgoing President signed off amid a riot of yellow spandex and feather boas as Nymphia Wind, winner of the latest season of RuPaul’s Drag Race, led drag queens through the Presidential Office Building. Two days later, a real riot erupted in Taiwan’s legislature as lawmakers traded insults and punches over a bill that would heighten scrutiny powers over the government, and tens of thousands protested in the street. When Lai, who also goes by the anglicized name William, finally took office, on May 20, his inauguration speech so riled Beijing that it dispatched fighter jets and warships in “punishment” exercises designed to demonstrate its ability to “seize power.”
“So it has been a very smooth transition,” Lai tells TIME, with a straight face, in his first interview as President. “So far so good.”
A stoic embrace of peril and pandemonium is perhaps essential for the leader of a vibrant, febrile democracy—not least one perched beside an authoritarian superpower determined to bring it to heel. Taiwan became politically self-ruling in 1949 at the end of China’s civil war. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has never controlled the island of 23 million, which still officially uses the archaic title Republic of China (ROC). But Chinese President Xi Jinping considers it a renegade province whose “reunification” is a “historical inevitability” and has repeatedly threatened force to achieve it.
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) sent 1,709 warplanes through Taiwan’s air-defense identification zone last year. For Lai’s saying in his address that the governments of Beijing and Taipei “are not subordinate to each other,” the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) launched “Joint Sword-2024A” drills that saw at least 35 aircraft cross an unofficial median line in the Taiwan Strait that until recently Beijing had largely respected.
“China’s ambition to annex Taiwan is part of their national policy,” Lai says. To achieve it, Beijing has set about diplomatically isolating Taiwan, which is barred from the U.N. or World Health Organization, and is officially recognized by just 12 governments; tiny Nauru peeled off 48 hours after Lai’s January election victory—an unprecedented third straight for the China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). “If our diplomatic allies decide to switch allegiance and choose the PRC, we wish them well,” Lai says, magnanimously.
Official recognition, after all, is not all the world sees. Lai’s inauguration was attended by 51 international delegations, including the U.S., U.K., Australia, Japan, and Canada. Not long after, the U.S. Congress sent a bipartisan delegation. Speaking to TIME, House Foreign Relations chair Ben Cardin called Taiwan “a beacon of democracy and good governance,” which is “confronting an existential threat from one of the world’s most authoritarian countries. This threat directly impacts the security of the United States and our allies.”
Taiwan has little choice but to strengthen bonds with the only democracy capable of facing down Beijing. It’s a key reason Lai tapped Hsiao Bi-khim, Taipei’s de facto ambassador in Washington, to serve as Vice President. A self-professed “Jersey girl,” Hsiao attended high school in America, and her mother’s family can be traced back to the Mayflower. “There is no scenario in which Taiwan defends itself without the United States,” says Oriana Skylar Mastro, author of Upstart: How China Became a Great Power.
But the stronger the ties between Taipei and Washington, the more pressure Beijing puts on the island, and the greater the danger of finally exploding a Cold War conflict that has smoldered for 75 years. And as November’s U.S. election approaches, candidates of all stripes will vie to appear tough on China, and the potential return of the famously transactional Donald Trump portends another wobble of uncertainty for Taiwan’s tightrope. “One of William Lai’s biggest problems is going to be America,” says Kerry Brown, director of the Lau China Institute at London’s King’s College. “Enough politicians want to play around with Taiwan to get back at China. The era in which America was a predictable partner is over.”
Hsiao is keen to paint a different picture, saying she has “worked delicately and diligently to make sure that Taiwan … doesn’t become an issue of political competition, that both [American] parties can share ownership in a sign of unity and support.” What isn’t up for debate are the stakes: Taiwan produces 90% of the world’s most advanced semiconductors, and the global cost of a war over the island could reach $10 trillion, estimates Bloomberg Economics. That’s some 10% of global GDP, far more than the shock from the war in Ukraine or the COVID-19 pandemic.
The job of staving off such a catastrophe falls to a 64-year-old bubble-tea fanatic sporting ’90s throwback hair and loathed by Beijing as a “dangerous separatist.” And that’s fine by Lai. “I invite President Xi,” he says, “to jointly shoulder with us the responsibility of maintaining peace and stability, building regional prosperity, and advancing world peace.”
Lai grew up poor in a tumbledown, two-story house in the coal-mining hamlet of Wanli set amid mist-swathed hills north of Taipei. He was still a baby when a work accident claimed the life of his father, leaving his mother to raise six children alone. He walked an hour each way to elementary school in a childhood punctuated by the sight of sobbing widows clutching funereal white cloths by collapsed mine shafts.
The deprivations of Wanli gave Lai a determination and awareness of social injustice that propelled him first to medical school, then to work as a kidney doctor in the southern city of Tainan. “When I was little, I hoped to become a doctor so as to take care of the sick, relieve suffering, and save lives,” he says. “But during the process of Taiwan’s democratization, many young people devoted themselves to politics, including myself.”
Lin Chun-hsien, a lawmaker representing Tainan, first met Lai when they were both junior campaigners for the DPP. Although nobody doubted Lai’s intelligence and social conscience, there was an obstacle. “When people encouraged William to step into politics,” Lin laughs, “he said he had to get permission from his mother.” She valued the security of a medical career. “My mother told me, ‘If people support you, then you should run for election; if not, then you should continue as a doctor,’” Lai recalls with a smile. “In other words, my mother felt that I probably would not pursue politics for very long!”
https://api.time.com/wp-content/uploads/...=75&w=1080
After four terms in the national legislature, Lai ran for mayor of Tainan. “Our campaign meetings would end at 10 p.m.,” Lin recalls. “Afterwards William would go straight into policy meetings, which would only be wrapping up when I returned early the next morning.”
In seven years in office, Lai eschewed populist policies in favor of tough choices. A project to ease gridlocked traffic involved relocating more than 300 homes. The mayor went door-to-door to persuade residents to vacate and was frequently chased away. But his most transformative achievement was persuading TSMC to establish a $40 billion foundry in Tainan, where today the semi-conductor colossus produces its most advanced 3nm chips for firms such as Apple and Qualcomm.
The project helped entrench Taiwan both in global supply chains and in today’s simmering tech competition between the U.S. and China. The U.S. CHIPS and Science Act includes $39 billion in subsidies to bring chip manufacturing back to the U.S., including $6.6 billion for new Arizona operations of TSMC, whose key clients such as Nvidia and AMD are barred by U.S. export controls from selling their most advanced chips to Chinese firms. “In this era of smart technologies, semiconductors have become crucial,” says Lai.
The world’s reliance on Taiwan’s semiconductor industry has been dubbed a “silicon shield” that renders the price of any conflict too high for China, the world’s No. 2 economy and largest trading nation. If U.S. efforts to stymie China’s access to cutting-edge chips risks weakening that shield, President Joe Biden has offered a genuine one, dispatching billions of dollars in high-tech weaponry, and in a recent interview with TIME he didn’t rule out using U.S. military force to defend the island. Clearly, the delicate status quo over Taiwan is shifting. “We have to be careful not to suggest U.S. policy is to keep Taiwan out of the hands of the PRC no matter what, even if it’s done peacefully,” cautions Mastro. “That could turn a war of choice into a war of necessity for China.”
The risk is that with Taiwanese identity at a historic high, and U.S. backing for the island never stronger, Beijing may feel compelled to act. It shows evidence of preparing to. In the past three years, the PLA has added over 400 advanced fighter aircraft and more than 20 major warships, while more than doubling its ballistic and cruise-missile inventory. Former U.S. Indo-Pacific Command chief Admiral Phil Davidson testified to Congress in 2021 that China wanted the capability to seize Taiwan within six years—a timeline that has since been backed by other U.S. military figures and, if true, would fall within Lai’s first term.
Lai, once again, projects calm. While admitting “geopolitical changes will continue to impact the dispersion of semiconductor companies,” he “does not believe that this will increase the risk of conflict.”
Kinmen is a rocky island that lies just three miles off the coast of mainland China yet remains administered from Taipei. When the Nationalist forces of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek first fled to Taiwan, Kinmen was fiercely defended as a vital staging post for eventually reclaiming China. Deep tunnels were hewed from its rock and defensive ramparts erected on its powder white beaches.
Kinmen was also where U.S. support for Taiwan first became explicit. When in 1954 Mao Zedong unleashed an artillery blitzkrieg on it, President Eisenhower felt obliged to set aside reservations about Chiang’s authoritarian project and signed a mutual defense treaty between the U.S. and the ROC. Even after President Nixon switched official recognition to Beijing in 1979, Congress demonstrated its steadfast support for Taipei with the Taiwan Relations Act, which obligates the U.S. to sell the island weapons for its own defense.
Ever since, Kinmen has been a barometer of cross-Strait relations. In times of high tension, shells fly and residents hunker in fortified foxholes. And when relations eventually warmed, Kinmen was at the heart of the rapprochement; direct people-to-people, trade, and postal connections opened between Kinmen and the neighboring Chinese city of Xiamen in the early 2000s. But by early 2020, China’s strict zero-COVID measures had severed the links, and political tensions have prevented their full restoration. A nadir was reached in February after a fatal boat collision claimed the lives of two Chinese nationals off Kinmen, prompting Beijing to reject a tacitly respected prohibited-waters line. Deteriorating relations are difficult for locals reliant on cross-border trade. “Lai Ching-te is dangerous,” says elderly resident Xu Fei, shucking oysters outside her swallowtail-eaved shophouse in Kinmen. “Xi Jinping is China’s new emperor, and we have to live with him.”
China’s recent economic woes—rising youth unemployment, a stock market in free fall, and spiraling debt—could provide a new opportunity. (China accounted for 83.8% of Taiwan’s foreign investment in 2010; last year, it was only 11.4%.) Both of Taiwan’s main opposition parties advocate restarting negotiations on a Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement, which stood to boost economic integration between China and Taiwan but stalled after being targeted by student-led protests in 2014.
Lai is fine with the status quo, arguing that “the time for this has long passed” and citing “substantive differences opening up between Taiwan’s economy and China’s present economic structure.” So determined is the DPP to sideline China that after an earthquake hit the Taiwanese city of Hualien on April 3 and the PRC offered to donate 100 prefabricated homes to victims, the offer was rebuffed. It was “not what the people affected by the Hualien earthquake required at the time,” Lai says.
Lai also demurs on the blandly named 1992 Consensus, a political fudge agreed to by Beijing and a former Nationalist (KMT) government in Taipei stating that both sides concur they belong to the same nation, even if they bicker over which is the legitimate government. But Lai’s DPP does not recognize the Consensus, and a September poll suggests 76.7% of respondents see themselves as Taiwanese, rather than Chinese or some mix. “The 1992 Consensus is a fairy tale,” says Brown. “But people need fairy tales, and without it there’s no common framework to talk and make sure neither side does something dumb.”
Lai disagrees, insisting that any interactions should be “mutually beneficial and reciprocal,” with tourists and students flowing in both directions or not at all. Moreover, he adds, “the PRC should recognize that the Republic of China exists.”
That plain speaking goes a long way toward explaining why Lai is singularly despised in Beijing. He has been to the PRC only once, in 2014, on a cultural exchange as mayor. It wasn’t a success. Speaking with faculty and students at Shanghai’s Fudan University, Lai was asked if the DPP would amend its goal of independence to mend ties with China. Instead of dodging the question, Lai candidly replied that a desire for independence was a consensus among Taiwan’s people. In 2017, Lai went further, describing himself as a “pragmatic worker for Taiwan independence”—a phrase that has dogged him ever since despite repeated efforts to walk it back.
The bar is higher for Lai than for any other recent Taiwan leader. He correctly points out his “not subordinate” statement had been uttered by both outgoing President Tsai Ing-wen and her KMT predecessor Ma Ying-jeou, but not at their inaugurations. “We were surprised that President Lai would bluntly spell out that the sovereignty across the Taiwan Strait is not overlapping,” says Alexander Huang, director of international affairs for the KMT. “He did not give any room for the flexibility or constructive ambiguity that have existed for 20 years.”
Lai tells TIME, “What I said was the truth. According to international law, we are already a sovereign and independent country. My goal is to bring the people of Taiwan together.”
Yet divisions are what have defined Lai’s first few weeks in office. Crucially, in the same election that lifted Lai to the presidency, the DPP lost control of the legislature to the KMT and the similarly China-friendly Taiwan’s Peoples Party. And indeed the legislature provided Lai his first major test. On May 28, it passed an amendment that obligates military, government, and even private citizens to answer questions and provide any information requested by lawmakers, among other enhanced scrutiny powers. Opponents see China’s fingerprints on the measure, pointing out that 17 KMT lawmakers traveled to Beijing in late April and met with CCP No. 4 and chief ideologue Wang Huning.
“The [CCP] has now infiltrated our Congress,” says Robert Tsao, a billionaire former semiconductor mogul who has donated $100 million to efforts to curb Beijing’s influence in Taiwan. “It’s so obvious.” Asked whether he agrees, Lai offers a measured reply: “Political parties should put national interests above their own.”
As the bill was being passed, tens of thousands gathered outside the legislature, brandishing placards saying democracy is dying and welcome to xi jinping’s evil empire. Inside, DPP lawmakers waved lights, shouting, “Brush your teeth, your breath stinks” at their KMT peers, who clutched sun-shaped balloons and chanted, “Let sunlight into the legislature.” Huang of the KMT denies that the CCP lies behind the amendment, whose intention is simply “to rebalance executive and legislative checks and balances,” he says. “It’s not closed-door or unjustified in terms of procedure.”
The bill stands to slow Lai’s ambitious domestic agenda, which includes raising the minimum wage, building a Taiwanese space industry, and enhancing social welfare. “The task before Lai is to stay the course without getting frustrated,” says Chong Ja Ian, an expert on Taiwan politics at the National University of Singapore. “Because if he makes a mistake, not only will his domestic opponents seize on it, but the PRC will as well.”
Living precariously is as much a part of Taiwan’s identity as colorful protest, bubble tea, and drag queens in the corridors of power. And today more than ever, the job of preserving the freest place in the Chinese-speaking world involves choices that ripple across the globe. “My responsibility,” says Lai, “is to deepen Taiwan’s democracy and enable hard-working people from all walks of life to realize their ideals and contribute to our country.”
閱讀台灣總統賴清德接受《時代》雜誌採訪的全文
https://time.com/6986139/taiwan-presiden...-mandarin/
By Charlie Campbell / Taipei
台灣總統賴清德於 5 月 30 日在台北總統府與《時代》周刊進行訪談。這是他就任這個擁有 2,300 萬人口島嶼的領導人以來首次接受訪問。
在一個多小時的談話中，賴清德坦誠地談論了台灣與中華人民共和國的關係、他為了加強與美國關係所做的嘗試、貿易和科技方面的地緣政治摩擦，以及他樸實的成長背景如何影響他的價值觀。 賴總統用中文與《時代》雜誌記者 Charlie Campbell 採訪，以下是他經過微編輯的言論。
時代周刊: 非常感謝賴總統今天撥冗與我們見面，也要向您致上恭喜之意。請問您目前對新工作都還適應嗎？是否仍一樣愛喝珍珠奶茶？
總統: 喝珍珠奶茶的興趣沒有改變。在工作上也很順利，因為只是從4樓搬到3樓，更何況我當過國會議員、行政院長，也擔任副總統4年，對國家大政及蔡前總統過去的施政方針都非常清楚。目前為止還算順利，謝謝關心。
從您當選之後已經過了4個月，請問在這4個月中，您做了什麼準備工作？蔡前總統是否提供您關於接受總統這個重要職位的建議？
這4個月當中，最重要的是跟蔡前總統進行交接工作，包括外交、國防、兩岸，還有一些國內重大議題，這些交接有些是在總統府開會，有些會到國軍或是政府相關單位去做交接。第二，是我籌組內閣，邀請卓榮泰先生來擔任行政院長，副院長是由鄭麗君女士來擔任，秘書長則是由之前的國家發展委員會主任委員龔明鑫先生來擔任；後續卓院長也用人唯才，不分黨派，邀請社會上好的人才籌組內閣，目前為止社會上的反應也不錯。蔡前總統親自給我的勉勵包括，第一，總統的職責就是守護國家，維護民主自由的憲政體制。第二，是傾聽民意，照顧人民。第三，是如果遇到重大問題，不妨集思廣益，大家好好討論，然後擬出好的對策來推動，這樣的話阻力會比較小。
提到阻礙，我們知道在您當選總統48小時後，中國就宣布臺灣的邦交國諾魯要承認北京。請問您對臺灣的國際承認及邦交國數量不斷下降，是否有擔憂的心情？
臺灣一直都誠心誠意、秉持互利互惠的原則，來跟邦交國交流合作。我們非常珍惜每一個邦交國的友誼，也感謝他們在國際社會為臺灣發聲，協助爭取臺灣的空間。我們也非常重視臺灣與邦交國之間的合作計畫，因為這對兩國之間的人民是有幫助的。這樣的原則是不分哪一個黨執政，臺灣的立場都是如此。當然，如果我們的邦交國最後選擇要跟中華人民共和國建交，我們也給予祝福，但中華人民共和國這種損人不利己的措施，不會影響臺灣成為世界上自由的燈塔、民主的堡壘這樣的成果，所以我們並不會擔心。
我們知道賴總統您選擇的副手是臺灣前駐美大使蕭美琴，這是否代表您認為，未來執政時，臺美關係會有新的重要性？
蕭美琴副總統在美國擔任大使期間表現非常傑出，不僅臺灣社會認為她是中華民國有史以來最好的駐美大使，國際社會包括美國，也非常肯定她的傑出表現。所以美琴擔任副總統之後，可以幫助新政府持續跟美國建立一個信賴的管道，增進新政府跟美國的繼續合作。而且，臺灣跟美國在美琴的幫助之下，不僅是臺灣跟美國彼此的信任而已，實質上的國防軍事合作、經濟產業合作，甚至各種交流工作，我相信都可以繼續順利進行，因為美琴是成功搭建起臺灣跟美國信賴橋梁的重要人士。
在您的就職演說中提到，要恢復兩岸對話、貿易跟教育交流，但上述必須建基於尊嚴與對等，您如何定義與中共的「尊嚴與對等」?
第一，是中華人民共和國應該正視中華民國的存在，也要拿出誠意跟臺灣民選合法的政府進行交流合作。第二，是每一個議題都應該要互利互惠，好比臺灣開放觀光客到中國去旅遊，中國也應該開放觀光客來臺灣旅遊。我們開放學生到中國去就學，中國也應該要開放學生來臺灣就學。第三，是中國和臺灣在進行交流合作的時候，都應該有一個共同的信念，就是促進兩岸人民的福祉，未來邁向和平共榮的目標。
您在就職演說當中也提到，兩岸互不隸屬，這也引起中國的軍事演習，臺灣在野黨有些人認為，這句話其實是打破之前所謂戰略模糊，也影響到兩岸和平與穩定，不知道您對此有什麼樣的回應?
我講的是事實，而且這個事實我不是第一個講，我完全沒有挑釁的意思。因為中華民國和中華人民共和國互不隸屬，蔡英文前總統在2021年國慶日的時候，提出的四大堅持就已經提到。馬英九前總統任內也講過，中華民國是一個主權獨立的國家，兩岸互不隸屬。第三，我根據中華民國憲法第二條跟第三條來陳述這個事實，在臺灣這幾十年來有人民、土地、主權、政府，本身在國際法上就是一個主權獨立的國家。我的目的是在團結臺灣人民。
美國國務卿布林肯4月到中國會面習近平，據報導有外交管道表示，習近平在談到臺灣議題及美國對臺灣的支持時，講話變得很生動激動，不知道您是否擔心習近平現在變得更加膽大妄為，以及在臺灣議題上面缺乏耐心
臺海的和平穩定，是世界安全繁榮的必要元素。我在就職演說當中已經跟國際社會傳達，我會根據蔡英文前總統的四大堅持，不卑不亢、維持現狀、善盡臺灣的責任；我也呼籲中國國家主席習近平先生能夠瞭解，在臺海製造爭端，影響印太區域和平穩定，是不會為國際社會所接受的。我邀請中國國家主席習近平先生，跟臺灣共同承擔起區域和平穩定的責任，創造區域的繁榮，也帶給世界和平的利益。
自從我們上一次專訪之後，中國經濟問題持續惡化，您是否擔心這會讓臺灣變得更加脆弱?還是您覺得這其實是一個合作的契機?
我內心一直有一個看法，一個穩定的中國可以成就安全的臺灣；一個繁榮的臺灣也可以帶動進步的中國。所以我並不樂見中國的經濟變壞，社會出現混亂。臺灣跟中國的經貿關係，其實是一個全球供應鏈分工的結果。過去中國是世界的工廠，也是世界的市場，所以全世界很多國家包括臺灣在內，會去中國投資生產製造，也把自己國家生產的商品，透過中國轉銷到全世界。
現在已經不一樣了，因為中國的經商環境已經大不如前，他們對於自由市場的控制變得更加嚴厲，所謂國進民退的產業政策，長久以來對於智慧財產權的保障，也不符合國際社會的期待。
另外，中國在東海、南海擴軍，影響區域的和平穩定，所以包括臺灣在內的世界資金，已經不再像以往一樣進到中國，臺灣的企業也大舉離開中國生產製造，到印太、日本、美國、歐洲去投資。
臺灣在2010年的時候，對於中國大陸的投資占臺灣對外投資高達83.8%，每100元有83.8元是投資在中國大陸。臺灣的對外貿易50%以上是與中國大陸進行，臺灣生產製造的零件設備會送到中國，中國組裝之後，或者是利用我們的設備生產製造再銷往全世界，這比例占50%以上。也就是說，零件跟設備是在臺灣製造，然後賣到中國，中國利用這些零件設備組裝，或是生產製造其他商品再銷往全世界。
去年臺灣對外的投資，在中國只占11.4%，從83.8%降到11.4%；(對中國的)對外貿易也從50%以上降到去年35.5%。但是臺灣經濟成長率過去8年平均3.15%，是亞洲四小龍第一名；蔡英文前總統8年任內，股市成長155.5%，股市的市值8年後跟8年前比較，成長1.8倍，現在股市已經2萬多點，蔡前總統接任時才8千多點。換句話說，中國經濟持續變壞，臺灣的經濟變好，並沒有受到中國經濟變壞的影響。臺灣新政府願意協助中國，增進臺海的和平繁榮，兩岸的和平繁榮。
臺灣在全球半導體供應鏈中扮演非常重要的角色，有超過90%最先進的晶片都在臺灣生產。美國對中國進行晶片出口限制，而您也提到，臺灣對中國的投資不斷下降，同時一些臺灣重要企業如台積電，都因為美國晶片法案而獲益，並不斷分散化企業經營，可能到美國而離開中國。您認為這是否會增加衝突發生的風險？
在全面智慧化的時代，半導體是非常重要的工業製品。未來，食衣住行各種生活如果要科技化、智慧化，一定用得到半導體。半導體產業是全球分工的產業，從研發、設計、製造及原料、設備等，是一個分佈全球的產業鏈。臺灣屬於IC設計、晶圓製造及末端的封裝測試，但原料是分散在其他國家，如零組件、設備、技術是分散在美國、日本還有荷蘭，所以這是一個全球分工的產業。
臺灣雖然在半導體產業占有優勢，可是臺灣也有責任推動世界的繁榮發展，所以只要半導體公司，包括台積電在內，基於公司的利益跟發展，要到美國、日本、歐洲或其他國家，基本上政府都會尊重。
我認為，半導體公司的分布深受地緣政治變化的影響，在新的全球供應鏈下面所做的布局，也不是特別針對一個國家，應該不至於因此而產生更大的衝突。
您唯一一次訪問中國是在2014年擔任臺南市長時，當時您也跟上海學生有非常公開坦承的對話，其中提到臺灣人民對獨立的意願。您從那段旅程學到了什麼？
2014年我到上海訪問，是因為臺南市政府為陳澄波先生120歲冥誕舉辦巡迴畫展活動。我在跟上海市政府及復旦大學互動時，都清楚表達兩岸應該要求同存異，以交流合作促進彼此的了解、理解、諒解、和解，然後和平發展。
您以40%得票率當選，但民進黨也失去在國會中的多數席次。現在立法院因為一些對行政部門嚴格檢視的法案而有些衝突，但未來若要通過法案，還是必須與在野黨合作。請問您是否有信心未來與在野黨合作，順利通過法案？
我對臺灣未來的發展仍然充滿信心。因為臺灣的民主，經過幾十年來大家的努力，也透過許多人的犧牲奉獻，走到今天，民主的活力與價值深植在臺灣人民心中，民主的力量是我未來推動國家政策非常重要的基礎。
我在就職演說中提到，這次選舉「三黨不過半」，這是人民的決定，提供每一個政黨分享自己理念，也提供共同承擔國家責任的機會。換句話說，人民決定「三黨不過半」，當某個政黨不符合人民期待時，人民還是會出來做主，讓國家持續前進。
我在就職演說也點出，民主、和平、繁榮是臺灣的國家方向，也是臺灣跟世界的連結。所以我未來的施政，會深化臺灣的民主、維護區域的和平，同時也讓臺灣躋身國際社會，協助推動世界的繁榮發展。這個方向不僅對國家有利，對人民也有利，所以推出的相關法案，相信應該不至於受到在野黨的強力反對。
有些民進黨成員指控之前到中國訪問的17位國民黨立委與中國人民政治協商會議全國委員會主席王滬寧會面，會與中國共產黨合作，摧毀人民對現任政府的信心。不知道您是否同意此看法?
在民主的社會，人民利益至上，這是民主原則；政黨也應該把國家利益置於政黨利益之上，這是政黨的天職。在臺灣面對中國各項打壓時，不分哪一政黨，所有人都應秉持「人民至上、國家利益優先」，不應該受到任何極權國家的影響。
現在中國共產黨拒絕與現任政府有任何溝通對話，您認為這些國民黨籍立委或是馬前總統等前往中國與中方互動，是否有幫助?
中國對臺灣併吞的態度是中華人民共和國的國策，臺灣人民或政黨不分朝野都應該共同面對。也只有團結並與國際社會連結，臺灣才有辦法確保我們的主權不被侵犯，民主自由的生活方式不被破壞；我們也才有能力、機會決定我們國家的前途。任何政黨都不可以為了政權而犧牲國家主權。
幾個月前花蓮發生大地震，當時中國表示願意提供援助但遭到拒絕。這是否是正確的決定?因為或許可以促進兩岸之間的合作。
臺灣非常珍惜來自國際社會的關心與支持，國際間互相幫助可以促進善的循環，讓彼此交流更加密切，這對國際社會的發展跟穩定有所幫助。但中國要提供的是100套組合屋，並不符合花蓮受災民眾的需求。1999年9月21日臺灣中部發生大地震，當時政府使用組合屋協助解決民眾居住問題，但經過二、三十年來，臺灣對救災重建的經驗越來越好，能力也越來越足，目前已經走過組合屋的階段。
我們目前的做法是，受地震影響而有安全之虞的房子會貼紅單，屋內財產和房子重建政府都會提供補助，並後續協助災民住在旅館、民宿；如果住在親戚家或租屋則有租金補貼，直到政府協助他們把房子蓋完為止，並不需要組合屋。住在旅館或民宿也可以同時解決因為地震後觀光客大量減少的旅宿問題。
有一些反對黨成員希望可以重啟《海峽兩岸服務貿易協議》談判，進一步深化跟中國的經濟整合。請問您為何反對重啟服貿談判？
簡單的一句話，就是時機已經過了。我剛剛有說明，因為大量的臺商都已經離開中國大陸，臺灣未來的經濟體也跟中國目前的經濟體，性質上有很大的差異；更何況600萬台幣，中國就可以來這邊開店，你在大街小巷所看到的商店，他們都可以來開，不僅老闆來，他們的員工也可以來，這對臺灣的庶民經濟會帶來很大的影響。
北京現在正積極爭取南方國家支持他們對臺灣主權的主張，其中有28 個國家堅定支持中國推動統一，不知道您認為在這樣的全球輿論當中，贏得關於臺灣主權的論辯有多重要？
我希望全世界不管哪一個國家，都應該尊重臺灣人民的選擇，臺灣人民的意志不應該經由多數決定、舉手決定，或是受到暴力、戰爭的威脅影響。
中國目前進行的就是法律戰，這當然會影響國際社會對臺灣的支持，我非常希望除了臺灣會盡我們的力量，澄清說明臺灣本身的權益，也希望國際社會能夠協助臺灣、了解臺灣、支持臺灣。因為如果中國的法律戰成功，會影響國際社會對臺灣的支持，不管平時或戰時。
在內政方面，雖然臺灣的經濟有成長，但是成長的幅度、速度較緩慢，有些人的薪資凍漲、沒有上升，物價卻不斷上漲，不知道您有什麼樣的計畫可以幫助一般的臺灣人民？
我非常重視基層勞工的薪資水平，還有他們的生活，我也非常關注貧富差距問題，希望能夠給年輕人一個更好的未來。所以在蔡英文總統任內所通過的基本工資法，未來我會好好落實，根據經濟成長力或物價的漲幅，調升基本工資的幅度，但更重要的是，我們要協助產業能夠升級、經濟能夠轉型。
我在520就職演說中提到，未來經濟發展有三個方向，第一，是前瞻未來、智慧永續，也就是一定要用科技來面對氣候變遷及因應全球智慧化世代的來臨，讓臺灣不僅能夠推動創新經濟，也能一舉成為智慧永續的新臺灣。
第二，是競逐太空、探索未來，包括發展中低軌道衛星、無人機產業。另外要善用海洋國家的優勢、探索海洋，讓臺灣整個產業能夠更廣、往更多方向發展。
第三，是立足臺灣、布局全球、行銷全世界。要改善臺灣的投資環境、照顧中小企業，協助我們的產業到世界各地布局，讓臺灣經濟可以更壯大、更加發展，營造更好的薪資環境，提升臺灣的薪資。
我在競選期間提出國家希望工程，我們會對社會做更大的投資，照顧年輕人、年紀大的人，以及社會上每一個需要照顧的人，解決貧富差距、生活照顧及年輕人未來發展的問題。
上一次專訪的時候提到總統小時候成長的背景，之前您成為醫生，您的母親對於您要成為政治人物似乎有點不認同，如今您已經成為臺灣的總統，是最高的職位，不知道您認為您母親會不會以您為傲？覺得當時不應該反對您投身政治？
我的母親是一個很平凡的人，在那個年代，臺灣社會許多媽媽跟我母親一樣，都是辛苦工作、照顧家庭，希望孩子能夠平安長大，我媽媽大概最關注的，就是我能夠平安健康。她不是很在乎我能不能成為什麼樣的政治人物，像我本人也沒有預期到今天我會坐在這裡。
因為從小，我希望能夠當醫生、照顧病人、解決他們的痛苦，拯救他們的生命，但是因為臺灣民主化的過程，許多年輕人投入政治，我也是其中一個，我並沒有預期我會一直到今天，更加沒有預期我會坐在這裡。
我媽媽跟我講過一句話，「如果人家要支持你，你就選；如果不支持你，你就回來當醫師」，言下之意，我媽媽認為我從政大概不會太久。因為我們在鄉下，而且沒有任何背景。但是我把這個歸功於臺灣的民主，如果不是因為許多人犧牲奉獻成就今天的民主，其實我也沒有機會坐在這裡，我的責任就是深化臺灣的民主，讓各行各業有抱負的人，都可以實現他們的理想、為國家奉獻。
賴清德Time專訪談兩岸 卓榮泰：盼中國領導人能聽到善意
https://udn.com/news/story/6656/8030219
賴清德登《時代》封面：兩岸互不隸屬是事實 中國穩定助台灣安全
https://www.hk01.com/article/1028747
![[Image: qFbBn6t6S-3GqkAvsuk2h4UUwntKupx0HmVFyB5l...w1920r16_9]](https://cdn.hk01.com/di/media/images/dw/20240614/878228985044013056602543.jpeg/qFbBn6t6S-3GqkAvsuk2h4UUwntKupx0HmVFyB5lRcg?v=w1920r16_9)
最新一期《時代雜誌》（TIME）以賴清德為封面人物，賴清德在專訪時表示，就職演說提及「『兩岸互不隸屬』完全沒有挑釁的意思」，點名馬英九與蔡英文任內都曾做出相同表述，呼籲北京正視中華民國存在事實。在兩岸經貿方面，賴清德認為，「一個穩定的中國可以成就安全的台灣；一個繁榮的台灣也可以帶動進步的中國」，強調「台灣不樂見中國經濟變壞，台灣新政府願意協助中國大陸增進台海的和平繁榮」，但認為兩岸重啟ECFA談判的時機已經過去。
《時代雜誌》13日刊出對賴清德專訪內容，並以其為新一期封面人物，成為繼美國總統拜登（Joe Biden）、泰國新任總理賽塔（Srettha Thavisin）後，今年第3位登上時代雜誌封面的政治領袖。
![[Image: FtCPR0Y3pcgr4V3l8gAfxUy8aGXYW7xQzMRg4szEYOI?v=w960]](https://cdn.hk01.com/di/media/images/dw/20240614/878228612141027328259836.jpeg/FtCPR0Y3pcgr4V3l8gAfxUy8aGXYW7xQzMRg4szEYOI?v=w960)
時代雜誌（TIME）以賴清德為新一期封面人物，賴清德指出，只有團結並與國際社會連結，台灣才有辦法確保主權不被侵犯。（TIME）
賴清德上任後首度接受外媒專訪，針對各界最為關注的兩岸議題，賴清德重申，台海和平穩定是世界安全繁榮的必要元素，希望北京了解「在台海製造爭端，影響印太區域和平穩定，不會為國際社會所接受」。
專訪期間，賴清德自言在內心一直有一個看法，「一個穩定的中國可以成就安全的台灣，一個繁榮的台灣也可以帶動進步的中國，所以我並不樂見中國的經濟變壞，社會出現混亂」，強調兩岸經貿關係，其實是全球供應鏈分工的結果。
賴清德表示，中國大陸經濟持續變壞，台灣的經濟變好，並沒有受到中國經濟變壞的影響，「台灣新政府願意協助中國，增進台海的和平繁榮，兩岸的和平繁榮」。他願意邀請中國國家主席習近平先生，跟台灣共同承擔起區域和平穩定的責任，創造區域的繁榮，也帶給世界和平的利益。
然而，面對就職演說提及「兩岸互不隸屬」，後引起北京對台軍事演習，賴清德強調，「講的是事實，而且這個事實我不是第一個講，我完全沒有挑釁的意思」，並指明蔡英文在2021年雙十講話提出「四大堅持」時便已經提到，馬英九任內也講過，「中華民國是一個主權獨立的國家，兩岸互不隸屬」。
賴清德再次向北京喊話，呼籲北京應該正視中華民國的存在，並拿出誠意跟台灣民選合法的政府進行交流合作，並主張兩岸交流應該要互利互惠；「希望全世界不管哪一個國家，都應該尊重台灣人民的選擇」。
對於台灣在野黨期望可以重啟《海峽兩岸服務貿易協議》（ECFA）談判，進一步深化跟中國大陸的經濟整合，賴清德認為，大量台商已離開中國大陸，台灣未來的經濟體也跟中國大陸目前的經濟體，性質上有很大的差異，兩岸重啟ECFA談判「時機已經過了」。
最後，對於全球半導體供應鏈重組問題，賴清德被問及美國對中國進行晶片出口限制，一些台灣重要企業如台積電，都因為美國《晶片法案》而獲益，並不斷分散化企業經營，可能到美國而離開中國，這些發展是否會增加衝突發生的風險？
賴清德答稱，半導體產業是全球分工的產業，台灣雖然在半導體產業的IC設計、晶圓製造及末端封裝測試佔有優勢，但原料是分散在其他國家，如零組件、設備、技術是分散在美國、日本還有荷蘭，台灣政府尊重廠商分布發展的選擇。
賴清德坦言，半導體公司的分布深受地緣政治變化的影響，但強調在新的全球供應鏈下面所做的布局，不是特別針對一個國家，應該不至於因此而產生更大的衝突。
對於賴清德「中華民國和中華人民共和國互不隸屬」的表態，馬英九基金會執行長蕭旭岑指出，「兩國互不隸屬」與「兩岸互不隸屬」，絕對是不同的概念，又指賴有本事就直接宣布「台獨」，不要用文字遊戲去欺騙不了解中文的外國人。
對此，陸委會主委邱垂正表示，中華民國是主權國家，對內代表最高，對外代表獨立自主，陸委會查遍中華民國憲法條文，中華民國並不隸屬世界上任何一個國家和地區，因此互不隸屬既是客觀事實，也是台海現狀。
另一方面，對於即將登場的海峽論壇，邱表示，海峽論壇是以兩岸交流包裝對台統戰的平台，對岸聲稱有7000人參加，但觀察金廈航班與小三通流量，並沒有比過去多，陸委會預估赴陸參加統戰活動的人數會比往年少；又強調陸委會不樂見地方政府參與統戰活動，參加的人應注意兩岸人民關係條例規範及社會與國際觀感，並維護台灣整體利益。
賴清德就職演說： 循憲政體制維持現狀 兩岸互不隸屬
https://www.hk01.com/article/1021091
馬英九批賴清德：中華民國兩岸互不隸屬與中華民國跟中國互不隸屬不是一回事
https://chinatimes.com.hk/20240614/90982
馬英九反擊賴清德︱口出狂言又設詞狡賴 認同「一個中國」嗎？
https://std.stheadline.com/realtime/arti...-%E5%97%8E
台灣的領導人賴清德總統日前接受美國媒體專訪，提及在就職演說中，有關「中華民國和中華人民共和國互不隸屬」論述。他稱，是根據事實陳述，蔡英文、馬英九兩位前領導人都曾提過「互不隸屬」的立場。馬英九辦公室隨即澄清，馬英九提的是在「一個中國」原則下的「兩岸互不隸屬」，而賴清德說是「兩國互不隸屬」，完全不同。馬英九今日下午也在互聯網發文親自回擊，稱很訝異賴清德會用他的話「背書」，痛批賴清德口出狂言，又設詞狡賴。
馬英九表示，他的論述很清楚，根據「中華民國」憲法與兩岸人民關係條例，「中華民國」包括台灣地區與大陸地區，兩岸互不承認主權，互不否認治權，但是均堅持「一個中國」原則。請問，「賴總統認同『一個中國』原則嗎？認同中華民國憲法嗎？我很訝異賴總統會用我的話背書」，馬英九說。
馬英九說，賴清德就職演說的「新兩國論」，徹底違反「中華民國」憲法規定。因為根據「中華民國」憲法，所謂「兩個中國」、「一中一台」與「台灣獨立」，都是違憲的，也都不利兩岸關係，損害兩岸人民權益。賴清德自認沒有挑釁意味，就是典型的「得了便宜還賣乖」。所有人都看得出來，賴清德事實上就是在講如假包換的「兩國論」，而他既不認錯還要狡賴，讓人對他難以抱有希望。
馬英九痛批，老百姓要的是和平與安穩，連陸委會的民調都顯示絕大部分台灣人希望兩岸繼續交流。但賴清德這種態度，一個少數執政，又與多數國會對抗，剛上任就口出狂言而又設詞狡賴的總統，未來兩岸關係怎麼走下去？「願上蒼保佑中華民國」。
President Lai Ching-te highlights Taiwan-EU trade and democratic values
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BwoIZV9f8bU
Taiwan’s New President Lai Ching-te Is Standing His Ground
https://time.com/6987173/lai-ching-te-taiwan-interview/
By Charlie Campbell / Taipei
As political transitions go, the ascent of Lai Ching-te to the presidency of Taiwan had pretty much everything. On May 15, the outgoing President signed off amid a riot of yellow spandex and feather boas as Nymphia Wind, winner of the latest season of RuPaul’s Drag Race, led drag queens through the Presidential Office Building. Two days later, a real riot erupted in Taiwan’s legislature as lawmakers traded insults and punches over a bill that would heighten scrutiny powers over the government, and tens of thousands protested in the street. When Lai, who also goes by the anglicized name William, finally took office, on May 20, his inauguration speech so riled Beijing that it dispatched fighter jets and warships in “punishment” exercises designed to demonstrate its ability to “seize power.”
“So it has been a very smooth transition,” Lai tells TIME, with a straight face, in his first interview as President. “So far so good.”
A stoic embrace of peril and pandemonium is perhaps essential for the leader of a vibrant, febrile democracy—not least one perched beside an authoritarian superpower determined to bring it to heel. Taiwan became politically self-ruling in 1949 at the end of China’s civil war. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has never controlled the island of 23 million, which still officially uses the archaic title Republic of China (ROC). But Chinese President Xi Jinping considers it a renegade province whose “reunification” is a “historical inevitability” and has repeatedly threatened force to achieve it.
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) sent 1,709 warplanes through Taiwan’s air-defense identification zone last year. For Lai’s saying in his address that the governments of Beijing and Taipei “are not subordinate to each other,” the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) launched “Joint Sword-2024A” drills that saw at least 35 aircraft cross an unofficial median line in the Taiwan Strait that until recently Beijing had largely respected.
“China’s ambition to annex Taiwan is part of their national policy,” Lai says. To achieve it, Beijing has set about diplomatically isolating Taiwan, which is barred from the U.N. or World Health Organization, and is officially recognized by just 12 governments; tiny Nauru peeled off 48 hours after Lai’s January election victory—an unprecedented third straight for the China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). “If our diplomatic allies decide to switch allegiance and choose the PRC, we wish them well,” Lai says, magnanimously.
Official recognition, after all, is not all the world sees. Lai’s inauguration was attended by 51 international delegations, including the U.S., U.K., Australia, Japan, and Canada. Not long after, the U.S. Congress sent a bipartisan delegation. Speaking to TIME, House Foreign Relations chair Ben Cardin called Taiwan “a beacon of democracy and good governance,” which is “confronting an existential threat from one of the world’s most authoritarian countries. This threat directly impacts the security of the United States and our allies.”
Taiwan has little choice but to strengthen bonds with the only democracy capable of facing down Beijing. It’s a key reason Lai tapped Hsiao Bi-khim, Taipei’s de facto ambassador in Washington, to serve as Vice President. A self-professed “Jersey girl,” Hsiao attended high school in America, and her mother’s family can be traced back to the Mayflower. “There is no scenario in which Taiwan defends itself without the United States,” says Oriana Skylar Mastro, author of Upstart: How China Became a Great Power.
But the stronger the ties between Taipei and Washington, the more pressure Beijing puts on the island, and the greater the danger of finally exploding a Cold War conflict that has smoldered for 75 years. And as November’s U.S. election approaches, candidates of all stripes will vie to appear tough on China, and the potential return of the famously transactional Donald Trump portends another wobble of uncertainty for Taiwan’s tightrope. “One of William Lai’s biggest problems is going to be America,” says Kerry Brown, director of the Lau China Institute at London’s King’s College. “Enough politicians want to play around with Taiwan to get back at China. The era in which America was a predictable partner is over.”
Hsiao is keen to paint a different picture, saying she has “worked delicately and diligently to make sure that Taiwan … doesn’t become an issue of political competition, that both [American] parties can share ownership in a sign of unity and support.” What isn’t up for debate are the stakes: Taiwan produces 90% of the world’s most advanced semiconductors, and the global cost of a war over the island could reach $10 trillion, estimates Bloomberg Economics. That’s some 10% of global GDP, far more than the shock from the war in Ukraine or the COVID-19 pandemic.
The job of staving off such a catastrophe falls to a 64-year-old bubble-tea fanatic sporting ’90s throwback hair and loathed by Beijing as a “dangerous separatist.” And that’s fine by Lai. “I invite President Xi,” he says, “to jointly shoulder with us the responsibility of maintaining peace and stability, building regional prosperity, and advancing world peace.”
Lai grew up poor in a tumbledown, two-story house in the coal-mining hamlet of Wanli set amid mist-swathed hills north of Taipei. He was still a baby when a work accident claimed the life of his father, leaving his mother to raise six children alone. He walked an hour each way to elementary school in a childhood punctuated by the sight of sobbing widows clutching funereal white cloths by collapsed mine shafts.
The deprivations of Wanli gave Lai a determination and awareness of social injustice that propelled him first to medical school, then to work as a kidney doctor in the southern city of Tainan. “When I was little, I hoped to become a doctor so as to take care of the sick, relieve suffering, and save lives,” he says. “But during the process of Taiwan’s democratization, many young people devoted themselves to politics, including myself.”
Lin Chun-hsien, a lawmaker representing Tainan, first met Lai when they were both junior campaigners for the DPP. Although nobody doubted Lai’s intelligence and social conscience, there was an obstacle. “When people encouraged William to step into politics,” Lin laughs, “he said he had to get permission from his mother.” She valued the security of a medical career. “My mother told me, ‘If people support you, then you should run for election; if not, then you should continue as a doctor,’” Lai recalls with a smile. “In other words, my mother felt that I probably would not pursue politics for very long!”
https://api.time.com/wp-content/uploads/...=75&w=1080
After four terms in the national legislature, Lai ran for mayor of Tainan. “Our campaign meetings would end at 10 p.m.,” Lin recalls. “Afterwards William would go straight into policy meetings, which would only be wrapping up when I returned early the next morning.”
In seven years in office, Lai eschewed populist policies in favor of tough choices. A project to ease gridlocked traffic involved relocating more than 300 homes. The mayor went door-to-door to persuade residents to vacate and was frequently chased away. But his most transformative achievement was persuading TSMC to establish a $40 billion foundry in Tainan, where today the semi-conductor colossus produces its most advanced 3nm chips for firms such as Apple and Qualcomm.
The project helped entrench Taiwan both in global supply chains and in today’s simmering tech competition between the U.S. and China. The U.S. CHIPS and Science Act includes $39 billion in subsidies to bring chip manufacturing back to the U.S., including $6.6 billion for new Arizona operations of TSMC, whose key clients such as Nvidia and AMD are barred by U.S. export controls from selling their most advanced chips to Chinese firms. “In this era of smart technologies, semiconductors have become crucial,” says Lai.
The world’s reliance on Taiwan’s semiconductor industry has been dubbed a “silicon shield” that renders the price of any conflict too high for China, the world’s No. 2 economy and largest trading nation. If U.S. efforts to stymie China’s access to cutting-edge chips risks weakening that shield, President Joe Biden has offered a genuine one, dispatching billions of dollars in high-tech weaponry, and in a recent interview with TIME he didn’t rule out using U.S. military force to defend the island. Clearly, the delicate status quo over Taiwan is shifting. “We have to be careful not to suggest U.S. policy is to keep Taiwan out of the hands of the PRC no matter what, even if it’s done peacefully,” cautions Mastro. “That could turn a war of choice into a war of necessity for China.”
The risk is that with Taiwanese identity at a historic high, and U.S. backing for the island never stronger, Beijing may feel compelled to act. It shows evidence of preparing to. In the past three years, the PLA has added over 400 advanced fighter aircraft and more than 20 major warships, while more than doubling its ballistic and cruise-missile inventory. Former U.S. Indo-Pacific Command chief Admiral Phil Davidson testified to Congress in 2021 that China wanted the capability to seize Taiwan within six years—a timeline that has since been backed by other U.S. military figures and, if true, would fall within Lai’s first term.
Lai, once again, projects calm. While admitting “geopolitical changes will continue to impact the dispersion of semiconductor companies,” he “does not believe that this will increase the risk of conflict.”
Kinmen is a rocky island that lies just three miles off the coast of mainland China yet remains administered from Taipei. When the Nationalist forces of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek first fled to Taiwan, Kinmen was fiercely defended as a vital staging post for eventually reclaiming China. Deep tunnels were hewed from its rock and defensive ramparts erected on its powder white beaches.
Kinmen was also where U.S. support for Taiwan first became explicit. When in 1954 Mao Zedong unleashed an artillery blitzkrieg on it, President Eisenhower felt obliged to set aside reservations about Chiang’s authoritarian project and signed a mutual defense treaty between the U.S. and the ROC. Even after President Nixon switched official recognition to Beijing in 1979, Congress demonstrated its steadfast support for Taipei with the Taiwan Relations Act, which obligates the U.S. to sell the island weapons for its own defense.
Ever since, Kinmen has been a barometer of cross-Strait relations. In times of high tension, shells fly and residents hunker in fortified foxholes. And when relations eventually warmed, Kinmen was at the heart of the rapprochement; direct people-to-people, trade, and postal connections opened between Kinmen and the neighboring Chinese city of Xiamen in the early 2000s. But by early 2020, China’s strict zero-COVID measures had severed the links, and political tensions have prevented their full restoration. A nadir was reached in February after a fatal boat collision claimed the lives of two Chinese nationals off Kinmen, prompting Beijing to reject a tacitly respected prohibited-waters line. Deteriorating relations are difficult for locals reliant on cross-border trade. “Lai Ching-te is dangerous,” says elderly resident Xu Fei, shucking oysters outside her swallowtail-eaved shophouse in Kinmen. “Xi Jinping is China’s new emperor, and we have to live with him.”
China’s recent economic woes—rising youth unemployment, a stock market in free fall, and spiraling debt—could provide a new opportunity. (China accounted for 83.8% of Taiwan’s foreign investment in 2010; last year, it was only 11.4%.) Both of Taiwan’s main opposition parties advocate restarting negotiations on a Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement, which stood to boost economic integration between China and Taiwan but stalled after being targeted by student-led protests in 2014.
Lai is fine with the status quo, arguing that “the time for this has long passed” and citing “substantive differences opening up between Taiwan’s economy and China’s present economic structure.” So determined is the DPP to sideline China that after an earthquake hit the Taiwanese city of Hualien on April 3 and the PRC offered to donate 100 prefabricated homes to victims, the offer was rebuffed. It was “not what the people affected by the Hualien earthquake required at the time,” Lai says.
Lai also demurs on the blandly named 1992 Consensus, a political fudge agreed to by Beijing and a former Nationalist (KMT) government in Taipei stating that both sides concur they belong to the same nation, even if they bicker over which is the legitimate government. But Lai’s DPP does not recognize the Consensus, and a September poll suggests 76.7% of respondents see themselves as Taiwanese, rather than Chinese or some mix. “The 1992 Consensus is a fairy tale,” says Brown. “But people need fairy tales, and without it there’s no common framework to talk and make sure neither side does something dumb.”
Lai disagrees, insisting that any interactions should be “mutually beneficial and reciprocal,” with tourists and students flowing in both directions or not at all. Moreover, he adds, “the PRC should recognize that the Republic of China exists.”
That plain speaking goes a long way toward explaining why Lai is singularly despised in Beijing. He has been to the PRC only once, in 2014, on a cultural exchange as mayor. It wasn’t a success. Speaking with faculty and students at Shanghai’s Fudan University, Lai was asked if the DPP would amend its goal of independence to mend ties with China. Instead of dodging the question, Lai candidly replied that a desire for independence was a consensus among Taiwan’s people. In 2017, Lai went further, describing himself as a “pragmatic worker for Taiwan independence”—a phrase that has dogged him ever since despite repeated efforts to walk it back.
The bar is higher for Lai than for any other recent Taiwan leader. He correctly points out his “not subordinate” statement had been uttered by both outgoing President Tsai Ing-wen and her KMT predecessor Ma Ying-jeou, but not at their inaugurations. “We were surprised that President Lai would bluntly spell out that the sovereignty across the Taiwan Strait is not overlapping,” says Alexander Huang, director of international affairs for the KMT. “He did not give any room for the flexibility or constructive ambiguity that have existed for 20 years.”
Lai tells TIME, “What I said was the truth. According to international law, we are already a sovereign and independent country. My goal is to bring the people of Taiwan together.”
Yet divisions are what have defined Lai’s first few weeks in office. Crucially, in the same election that lifted Lai to the presidency, the DPP lost control of the legislature to the KMT and the similarly China-friendly Taiwan’s Peoples Party. And indeed the legislature provided Lai his first major test. On May 28, it passed an amendment that obligates military, government, and even private citizens to answer questions and provide any information requested by lawmakers, among other enhanced scrutiny powers. Opponents see China’s fingerprints on the measure, pointing out that 17 KMT lawmakers traveled to Beijing in late April and met with CCP No. 4 and chief ideologue Wang Huning.
“The [CCP] has now infiltrated our Congress,” says Robert Tsao, a billionaire former semiconductor mogul who has donated $100 million to efforts to curb Beijing’s influence in Taiwan. “It’s so obvious.” Asked whether he agrees, Lai offers a measured reply: “Political parties should put national interests above their own.”
As the bill was being passed, tens of thousands gathered outside the legislature, brandishing placards saying democracy is dying and welcome to xi jinping’s evil empire. Inside, DPP lawmakers waved lights, shouting, “Brush your teeth, your breath stinks” at their KMT peers, who clutched sun-shaped balloons and chanted, “Let sunlight into the legislature.” Huang of the KMT denies that the CCP lies behind the amendment, whose intention is simply “to rebalance executive and legislative checks and balances,” he says. “It’s not closed-door or unjustified in terms of procedure.”
The bill stands to slow Lai’s ambitious domestic agenda, which includes raising the minimum wage, building a Taiwanese space industry, and enhancing social welfare. “The task before Lai is to stay the course without getting frustrated,” says Chong Ja Ian, an expert on Taiwan politics at the National University of Singapore. “Because if he makes a mistake, not only will his domestic opponents seize on it, but the PRC will as well.”
Living precariously is as much a part of Taiwan’s identity as colorful protest, bubble tea, and drag queens in the corridors of power. And today more than ever, the job of preserving the freest place in the Chinese-speaking world involves choices that ripple across the globe. “My responsibility,” says Lai, “is to deepen Taiwan’s democracy and enable hard-working people from all walks of life to realize their ideals and contribute to our country.”
閱讀台灣總統賴清德接受《時代》雜誌採訪的全文
https://time.com/6986139/taiwan-presiden...-mandarin/
By Charlie Campbell / Taipei
台灣總統賴清德於 5 月 30 日在台北總統府與《時代》周刊進行訪談。這是他就任這個擁有 2,300 萬人口島嶼的領導人以來首次接受訪問。
在一個多小時的談話中，賴清德坦誠地談論了台灣與中華人民共和國的關係、他為了加強與美國關係所做的嘗試、貿易和科技方面的地緣政治摩擦，以及他樸實的成長背景如何影響他的價值觀。 賴總統用中文與《時代》雜誌記者 Charlie Campbell 採訪，以下是他經過微編輯的言論。
時代周刊: 非常感謝賴總統今天撥冗與我們見面，也要向您致上恭喜之意。請問您目前對新工作都還適應嗎？是否仍一樣愛喝珍珠奶茶？
總統: 喝珍珠奶茶的興趣沒有改變。在工作上也很順利，因為只是從4樓搬到3樓，更何況我當過國會議員、行政院長，也擔任副總統4年，對國家大政及蔡前總統過去的施政方針都非常清楚。目前為止還算順利，謝謝關心。
從您當選之後已經過了4個月，請問在這4個月中，您做了什麼準備工作？蔡前總統是否提供您關於接受總統這個重要職位的建議？
這4個月當中，最重要的是跟蔡前總統進行交接工作，包括外交、國防、兩岸，還有一些國內重大議題，這些交接有些是在總統府開會，有些會到國軍或是政府相關單位去做交接。第二，是我籌組內閣，邀請卓榮泰先生來擔任行政院長，副院長是由鄭麗君女士來擔任，秘書長則是由之前的國家發展委員會主任委員龔明鑫先生來擔任；後續卓院長也用人唯才，不分黨派，邀請社會上好的人才籌組內閣，目前為止社會上的反應也不錯。蔡前總統親自給我的勉勵包括，第一，總統的職責就是守護國家，維護民主自由的憲政體制。第二，是傾聽民意，照顧人民。第三，是如果遇到重大問題，不妨集思廣益，大家好好討論，然後擬出好的對策來推動，這樣的話阻力會比較小。
提到阻礙，我們知道在您當選總統48小時後，中國就宣布臺灣的邦交國諾魯要承認北京。請問您對臺灣的國際承認及邦交國數量不斷下降，是否有擔憂的心情？
臺灣一直都誠心誠意、秉持互利互惠的原則，來跟邦交國交流合作。我們非常珍惜每一個邦交國的友誼，也感謝他們在國際社會為臺灣發聲，協助爭取臺灣的空間。我們也非常重視臺灣與邦交國之間的合作計畫，因為這對兩國之間的人民是有幫助的。這樣的原則是不分哪一個黨執政，臺灣的立場都是如此。當然，如果我們的邦交國最後選擇要跟中華人民共和國建交，我們也給予祝福，但中華人民共和國這種損人不利己的措施，不會影響臺灣成為世界上自由的燈塔、民主的堡壘這樣的成果，所以我們並不會擔心。
我們知道賴總統您選擇的副手是臺灣前駐美大使蕭美琴，這是否代表您認為，未來執政時，臺美關係會有新的重要性？
蕭美琴副總統在美國擔任大使期間表現非常傑出，不僅臺灣社會認為她是中華民國有史以來最好的駐美大使，國際社會包括美國，也非常肯定她的傑出表現。所以美琴擔任副總統之後，可以幫助新政府持續跟美國建立一個信賴的管道，增進新政府跟美國的繼續合作。而且，臺灣跟美國在美琴的幫助之下，不僅是臺灣跟美國彼此的信任而已，實質上的國防軍事合作、經濟產業合作，甚至各種交流工作，我相信都可以繼續順利進行，因為美琴是成功搭建起臺灣跟美國信賴橋梁的重要人士。
在您的就職演說中提到，要恢復兩岸對話、貿易跟教育交流，但上述必須建基於尊嚴與對等，您如何定義與中共的「尊嚴與對等」?
第一，是中華人民共和國應該正視中華民國的存在，也要拿出誠意跟臺灣民選合法的政府進行交流合作。第二，是每一個議題都應該要互利互惠，好比臺灣開放觀光客到中國去旅遊，中國也應該開放觀光客來臺灣旅遊。我們開放學生到中國去就學，中國也應該要開放學生來臺灣就學。第三，是中國和臺灣在進行交流合作的時候，都應該有一個共同的信念，就是促進兩岸人民的福祉，未來邁向和平共榮的目標。
您在就職演說當中也提到，兩岸互不隸屬，這也引起中國的軍事演習，臺灣在野黨有些人認為，這句話其實是打破之前所謂戰略模糊，也影響到兩岸和平與穩定，不知道您對此有什麼樣的回應?
我講的是事實，而且這個事實我不是第一個講，我完全沒有挑釁的意思。因為中華民國和中華人民共和國互不隸屬，蔡英文前總統在2021年國慶日的時候，提出的四大堅持就已經提到。馬英九前總統任內也講過，中華民國是一個主權獨立的國家，兩岸互不隸屬。第三，我根據中華民國憲法第二條跟第三條來陳述這個事實，在臺灣這幾十年來有人民、土地、主權、政府，本身在國際法上就是一個主權獨立的國家。我的目的是在團結臺灣人民。
美國國務卿布林肯4月到中國會面習近平，據報導有外交管道表示，習近平在談到臺灣議題及美國對臺灣的支持時，講話變得很生動激動，不知道您是否擔心習近平現在變得更加膽大妄為，以及在臺灣議題上面缺乏耐心
臺海的和平穩定，是世界安全繁榮的必要元素。我在就職演說當中已經跟國際社會傳達，我會根據蔡英文前總統的四大堅持，不卑不亢、維持現狀、善盡臺灣的責任；我也呼籲中國國家主席習近平先生能夠瞭解，在臺海製造爭端，影響印太區域和平穩定，是不會為國際社會所接受的。我邀請中國國家主席習近平先生，跟臺灣共同承擔起區域和平穩定的責任，創造區域的繁榮，也帶給世界和平的利益。
自從我們上一次專訪之後，中國經濟問題持續惡化，您是否擔心這會讓臺灣變得更加脆弱?還是您覺得這其實是一個合作的契機?
我內心一直有一個看法，一個穩定的中國可以成就安全的臺灣；一個繁榮的臺灣也可以帶動進步的中國。所以我並不樂見中國的經濟變壞，社會出現混亂。臺灣跟中國的經貿關係，其實是一個全球供應鏈分工的結果。過去中國是世界的工廠，也是世界的市場，所以全世界很多國家包括臺灣在內，會去中國投資生產製造，也把自己國家生產的商品，透過中國轉銷到全世界。
現在已經不一樣了，因為中國的經商環境已經大不如前，他們對於自由市場的控制變得更加嚴厲，所謂國進民退的產業政策，長久以來對於智慧財產權的保障，也不符合國際社會的期待。
另外，中國在東海、南海擴軍，影響區域的和平穩定，所以包括臺灣在內的世界資金，已經不再像以往一樣進到中國，臺灣的企業也大舉離開中國生產製造，到印太、日本、美國、歐洲去投資。
臺灣在2010年的時候，對於中國大陸的投資占臺灣對外投資高達83.8%，每100元有83.8元是投資在中國大陸。臺灣的對外貿易50%以上是與中國大陸進行，臺灣生產製造的零件設備會送到中國，中國組裝之後，或者是利用我們的設備生產製造再銷往全世界，這比例占50%以上。也就是說，零件跟設備是在臺灣製造，然後賣到中國，中國利用這些零件設備組裝，或是生產製造其他商品再銷往全世界。
去年臺灣對外的投資，在中國只占11.4%，從83.8%降到11.4%；(對中國的)對外貿易也從50%以上降到去年35.5%。但是臺灣經濟成長率過去8年平均3.15%，是亞洲四小龍第一名；蔡英文前總統8年任內，股市成長155.5%，股市的市值8年後跟8年前比較，成長1.8倍，現在股市已經2萬多點，蔡前總統接任時才8千多點。換句話說，中國經濟持續變壞，臺灣的經濟變好，並沒有受到中國經濟變壞的影響。臺灣新政府願意協助中國，增進臺海的和平繁榮，兩岸的和平繁榮。
臺灣在全球半導體供應鏈中扮演非常重要的角色，有超過90%最先進的晶片都在臺灣生產。美國對中國進行晶片出口限制，而您也提到，臺灣對中國的投資不斷下降，同時一些臺灣重要企業如台積電，都因為美國晶片法案而獲益，並不斷分散化企業經營，可能到美國而離開中國。您認為這是否會增加衝突發生的風險？
在全面智慧化的時代，半導體是非常重要的工業製品。未來，食衣住行各種生活如果要科技化、智慧化，一定用得到半導體。半導體產業是全球分工的產業，從研發、設計、製造及原料、設備等，是一個分佈全球的產業鏈。臺灣屬於IC設計、晶圓製造及末端的封裝測試，但原料是分散在其他國家，如零組件、設備、技術是分散在美國、日本還有荷蘭，所以這是一個全球分工的產業。
臺灣雖然在半導體產業占有優勢，可是臺灣也有責任推動世界的繁榮發展，所以只要半導體公司，包括台積電在內，基於公司的利益跟發展，要到美國、日本、歐洲或其他國家，基本上政府都會尊重。
我認為，半導體公司的分布深受地緣政治變化的影響，在新的全球供應鏈下面所做的布局，也不是特別針對一個國家，應該不至於因此而產生更大的衝突。
您唯一一次訪問中國是在2014年擔任臺南市長時，當時您也跟上海學生有非常公開坦承的對話，其中提到臺灣人民對獨立的意願。您從那段旅程學到了什麼？
2014年我到上海訪問，是因為臺南市政府為陳澄波先生120歲冥誕舉辦巡迴畫展活動。我在跟上海市政府及復旦大學互動時，都清楚表達兩岸應該要求同存異，以交流合作促進彼此的了解、理解、諒解、和解，然後和平發展。
您以40%得票率當選，但民進黨也失去在國會中的多數席次。現在立法院因為一些對行政部門嚴格檢視的法案而有些衝突，但未來若要通過法案，還是必須與在野黨合作。請問您是否有信心未來與在野黨合作，順利通過法案？
我對臺灣未來的發展仍然充滿信心。因為臺灣的民主，經過幾十年來大家的努力，也透過許多人的犧牲奉獻，走到今天，民主的活力與價值深植在臺灣人民心中，民主的力量是我未來推動國家政策非常重要的基礎。
我在就職演說中提到，這次選舉「三黨不過半」，這是人民的決定，提供每一個政黨分享自己理念，也提供共同承擔國家責任的機會。換句話說，人民決定「三黨不過半」，當某個政黨不符合人民期待時，人民還是會出來做主，讓國家持續前進。
我在就職演說也點出，民主、和平、繁榮是臺灣的國家方向，也是臺灣跟世界的連結。所以我未來的施政，會深化臺灣的民主、維護區域的和平，同時也讓臺灣躋身國際社會，協助推動世界的繁榮發展。這個方向不僅對國家有利，對人民也有利，所以推出的相關法案，相信應該不至於受到在野黨的強力反對。
有些民進黨成員指控之前到中國訪問的17位國民黨立委與中國人民政治協商會議全國委員會主席王滬寧會面，會與中國共產黨合作，摧毀人民對現任政府的信心。不知道您是否同意此看法?
在民主的社會，人民利益至上，這是民主原則；政黨也應該把國家利益置於政黨利益之上，這是政黨的天職。在臺灣面對中國各項打壓時，不分哪一政黨，所有人都應秉持「人民至上、國家利益優先」，不應該受到任何極權國家的影響。
現在中國共產黨拒絕與現任政府有任何溝通對話，您認為這些國民黨籍立委或是馬前總統等前往中國與中方互動，是否有幫助?
中國對臺灣併吞的態度是中華人民共和國的國策，臺灣人民或政黨不分朝野都應該共同面對。也只有團結並與國際社會連結，臺灣才有辦法確保我們的主權不被侵犯，民主自由的生活方式不被破壞；我們也才有能力、機會決定我們國家的前途。任何政黨都不可以為了政權而犧牲國家主權。
幾個月前花蓮發生大地震，當時中國表示願意提供援助但遭到拒絕。這是否是正確的決定?因為或許可以促進兩岸之間的合作。
臺灣非常珍惜來自國際社會的關心與支持，國際間互相幫助可以促進善的循環，讓彼此交流更加密切，這對國際社會的發展跟穩定有所幫助。但中國要提供的是100套組合屋，並不符合花蓮受災民眾的需求。1999年9月21日臺灣中部發生大地震，當時政府使用組合屋協助解決民眾居住問題，但經過二、三十年來，臺灣對救災重建的經驗越來越好，能力也越來越足，目前已經走過組合屋的階段。
我們目前的做法是，受地震影響而有安全之虞的房子會貼紅單，屋內財產和房子重建政府都會提供補助，並後續協助災民住在旅館、民宿；如果住在親戚家或租屋則有租金補貼，直到政府協助他們把房子蓋完為止，並不需要組合屋。住在旅館或民宿也可以同時解決因為地震後觀光客大量減少的旅宿問題。
有一些反對黨成員希望可以重啟《海峽兩岸服務貿易協議》談判，進一步深化跟中國的經濟整合。請問您為何反對重啟服貿談判？
簡單的一句話，就是時機已經過了。我剛剛有說明，因為大量的臺商都已經離開中國大陸，臺灣未來的經濟體也跟中國目前的經濟體，性質上有很大的差異；更何況600萬台幣，中國就可以來這邊開店，你在大街小巷所看到的商店，他們都可以來開，不僅老闆來，他們的員工也可以來，這對臺灣的庶民經濟會帶來很大的影響。
北京現在正積極爭取南方國家支持他們對臺灣主權的主張，其中有28 個國家堅定支持中國推動統一，不知道您認為在這樣的全球輿論當中，贏得關於臺灣主權的論辯有多重要？
我希望全世界不管哪一個國家，都應該尊重臺灣人民的選擇，臺灣人民的意志不應該經由多數決定、舉手決定，或是受到暴力、戰爭的威脅影響。
中國目前進行的就是法律戰，這當然會影響國際社會對臺灣的支持，我非常希望除了臺灣會盡我們的力量，澄清說明臺灣本身的權益，也希望國際社會能夠協助臺灣、了解臺灣、支持臺灣。因為如果中國的法律戰成功，會影響國際社會對臺灣的支持，不管平時或戰時。
在內政方面，雖然臺灣的經濟有成長，但是成長的幅度、速度較緩慢，有些人的薪資凍漲、沒有上升，物價卻不斷上漲，不知道您有什麼樣的計畫可以幫助一般的臺灣人民？
我非常重視基層勞工的薪資水平，還有他們的生活，我也非常關注貧富差距問題，希望能夠給年輕人一個更好的未來。所以在蔡英文總統任內所通過的基本工資法，未來我會好好落實，根據經濟成長力或物價的漲幅，調升基本工資的幅度，但更重要的是，我們要協助產業能夠升級、經濟能夠轉型。
我在520就職演說中提到，未來經濟發展有三個方向，第一，是前瞻未來、智慧永續，也就是一定要用科技來面對氣候變遷及因應全球智慧化世代的來臨，讓臺灣不僅能夠推動創新經濟，也能一舉成為智慧永續的新臺灣。
第二，是競逐太空、探索未來，包括發展中低軌道衛星、無人機產業。另外要善用海洋國家的優勢、探索海洋，讓臺灣整個產業能夠更廣、往更多方向發展。
第三，是立足臺灣、布局全球、行銷全世界。要改善臺灣的投資環境、照顧中小企業，協助我們的產業到世界各地布局，讓臺灣經濟可以更壯大、更加發展，營造更好的薪資環境，提升臺灣的薪資。
我在競選期間提出國家希望工程，我們會對社會做更大的投資，照顧年輕人、年紀大的人，以及社會上每一個需要照顧的人，解決貧富差距、生活照顧及年輕人未來發展的問題。
上一次專訪的時候提到總統小時候成長的背景，之前您成為醫生，您的母親對於您要成為政治人物似乎有點不認同，如今您已經成為臺灣的總統，是最高的職位，不知道您認為您母親會不會以您為傲？覺得當時不應該反對您投身政治？
我的母親是一個很平凡的人，在那個年代，臺灣社會許多媽媽跟我母親一樣，都是辛苦工作、照顧家庭，希望孩子能夠平安長大，我媽媽大概最關注的，就是我能夠平安健康。她不是很在乎我能不能成為什麼樣的政治人物，像我本人也沒有預期到今天我會坐在這裡。
因為從小，我希望能夠當醫生、照顧病人、解決他們的痛苦，拯救他們的生命，但是因為臺灣民主化的過程，許多年輕人投入政治，我也是其中一個，我並沒有預期我會一直到今天，更加沒有預期我會坐在這裡。
我媽媽跟我講過一句話，「如果人家要支持你，你就選；如果不支持你，你就回來當醫師」，言下之意，我媽媽認為我從政大概不會太久。因為我們在鄉下，而且沒有任何背景。但是我把這個歸功於臺灣的民主，如果不是因為許多人犧牲奉獻成就今天的民主，其實我也沒有機會坐在這裡，我的責任就是深化臺灣的民主，讓各行各業有抱負的人，都可以實現他們的理想、為國家奉獻。
賴清德Time專訪談兩岸 卓榮泰：盼中國領導人能聽到善意
https://udn.com/news/story/6656/8030219
賴清德登《時代》封面：兩岸互不隸屬是事實 中國穩定助台灣安全
https://www.hk01.com/article/1028747
最新一期《時代雜誌》（TIME）以賴清德為封面人物，賴清德在專訪時表示，就職演說提及「『兩岸互不隸屬』完全沒有挑釁的意思」，點名馬英九與蔡英文任內都曾做出相同表述，呼籲北京正視中華民國存在事實。在兩岸經貿方面，賴清德認為，「一個穩定的中國可以成就安全的台灣；一個繁榮的台灣也可以帶動進步的中國」，強調「台灣不樂見中國經濟變壞，台灣新政府願意協助中國大陸增進台海的和平繁榮」，但認為兩岸重啟ECFA談判的時機已經過去。
《時代雜誌》13日刊出對賴清德專訪內容，並以其為新一期封面人物，成為繼美國總統拜登（Joe Biden）、泰國新任總理賽塔（Srettha Thavisin）後，今年第3位登上時代雜誌封面的政治領袖。
時代雜誌（TIME）以賴清德為新一期封面人物，賴清德指出，只有團結並與國際社會連結，台灣才有辦法確保主權不被侵犯。（TIME）
賴清德上任後首度接受外媒專訪，針對各界最為關注的兩岸議題，賴清德重申，台海和平穩定是世界安全繁榮的必要元素，希望北京了解「在台海製造爭端，影響印太區域和平穩定，不會為國際社會所接受」。
專訪期間，賴清德自言在內心一直有一個看法，「一個穩定的中國可以成就安全的台灣，一個繁榮的台灣也可以帶動進步的中國，所以我並不樂見中國的經濟變壞，社會出現混亂」，強調兩岸經貿關係，其實是全球供應鏈分工的結果。
賴清德表示，中國大陸經濟持續變壞，台灣的經濟變好，並沒有受到中國經濟變壞的影響，「台灣新政府願意協助中國，增進台海的和平繁榮，兩岸的和平繁榮」。他願意邀請中國國家主席習近平先生，跟台灣共同承擔起區域和平穩定的責任，創造區域的繁榮，也帶給世界和平的利益。
然而，面對就職演說提及「兩岸互不隸屬」，後引起北京對台軍事演習，賴清德強調，「講的是事實，而且這個事實我不是第一個講，我完全沒有挑釁的意思」，並指明蔡英文在2021年雙十講話提出「四大堅持」時便已經提到，馬英九任內也講過，「中華民國是一個主權獨立的國家，兩岸互不隸屬」。
賴清德再次向北京喊話，呼籲北京應該正視中華民國的存在，並拿出誠意跟台灣民選合法的政府進行交流合作，並主張兩岸交流應該要互利互惠；「希望全世界不管哪一個國家，都應該尊重台灣人民的選擇」。
對於台灣在野黨期望可以重啟《海峽兩岸服務貿易協議》（ECFA）談判，進一步深化跟中國大陸的經濟整合，賴清德認為，大量台商已離開中國大陸，台灣未來的經濟體也跟中國大陸目前的經濟體，性質上有很大的差異，兩岸重啟ECFA談判「時機已經過了」。
最後，對於全球半導體供應鏈重組問題，賴清德被問及美國對中國進行晶片出口限制，一些台灣重要企業如台積電，都因為美國《晶片法案》而獲益，並不斷分散化企業經營，可能到美國而離開中國，這些發展是否會增加衝突發生的風險？
賴清德答稱，半導體產業是全球分工的產業，台灣雖然在半導體產業的IC設計、晶圓製造及末端封裝測試佔有優勢，但原料是分散在其他國家，如零組件、設備、技術是分散在美國、日本還有荷蘭，台灣政府尊重廠商分布發展的選擇。
賴清德坦言，半導體公司的分布深受地緣政治變化的影響，但強調在新的全球供應鏈下面所做的布局，不是特別針對一個國家，應該不至於因此而產生更大的衝突。
對於賴清德「中華民國和中華人民共和國互不隸屬」的表態，馬英九基金會執行長蕭旭岑指出，「兩國互不隸屬」與「兩岸互不隸屬」，絕對是不同的概念，又指賴有本事就直接宣布「台獨」，不要用文字遊戲去欺騙不了解中文的外國人。
對此，陸委會主委邱垂正表示，中華民國是主權國家，對內代表最高，對外代表獨立自主，陸委會查遍中華民國憲法條文，中華民國並不隸屬世界上任何一個國家和地區，因此互不隸屬既是客觀事實，也是台海現狀。
另一方面，對於即將登場的海峽論壇，邱表示，海峽論壇是以兩岸交流包裝對台統戰的平台，對岸聲稱有7000人參加，但觀察金廈航班與小三通流量，並沒有比過去多，陸委會預估赴陸參加統戰活動的人數會比往年少；又強調陸委會不樂見地方政府參與統戰活動，參加的人應注意兩岸人民關係條例規範及社會與國際觀感，並維護台灣整體利益。
賴清德就職演說： 循憲政體制維持現狀 兩岸互不隸屬
https://www.hk01.com/article/1021091
馬英九批賴清德：中華民國兩岸互不隸屬與中華民國跟中國互不隸屬不是一回事
https://chinatimes.com.hk/20240614/90982
馬英九反擊賴清德︱口出狂言又設詞狡賴 認同「一個中國」嗎？
https://std.stheadline.com/realtime/arti...-%E5%97%8E
台灣的領導人賴清德總統日前接受美國媒體專訪，提及在就職演說中，有關「中華民國和中華人民共和國互不隸屬」論述。他稱，是根據事實陳述，蔡英文、馬英九兩位前領導人都曾提過「互不隸屬」的立場。馬英九辦公室隨即澄清，馬英九提的是在「一個中國」原則下的「兩岸互不隸屬」，而賴清德說是「兩國互不隸屬」，完全不同。馬英九今日下午也在互聯網發文親自回擊，稱很訝異賴清德會用他的話「背書」，痛批賴清德口出狂言，又設詞狡賴。
馬英九表示，他的論述很清楚，根據「中華民國」憲法與兩岸人民關係條例，「中華民國」包括台灣地區與大陸地區，兩岸互不承認主權，互不否認治權，但是均堅持「一個中國」原則。請問，「賴總統認同『一個中國』原則嗎？認同中華民國憲法嗎？我很訝異賴總統會用我的話背書」，馬英九說。
馬英九說，賴清德就職演說的「新兩國論」，徹底違反「中華民國」憲法規定。因為根據「中華民國」憲法，所謂「兩個中國」、「一中一台」與「台灣獨立」，都是違憲的，也都不利兩岸關係，損害兩岸人民權益。賴清德自認沒有挑釁意味，就是典型的「得了便宜還賣乖」。所有人都看得出來，賴清德事實上就是在講如假包換的「兩國論」，而他既不認錯還要狡賴，讓人對他難以抱有希望。
馬英九痛批，老百姓要的是和平與安穩，連陸委會的民調都顯示絕大部分台灣人希望兩岸繼續交流。但賴清德這種態度，一個少數執政，又與多數國會對抗，剛上任就口出狂言而又設詞狡賴的總統，未來兩岸關係怎麼走下去？「願上蒼保佑中華民國」。
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